Τρίτη, 2 Σεπτεμβρίου 2014

Στο Ζάππειο μιά μέρα..


     40 χρόνια εγκληματικής πολιτικής δράσης έκλεισε το ΠαΣοΚ,
     ..με μιά φιέστα αντάξια του ήθους του ιδρυτή του, των στελεχών και των μελών του!

Έρχεται η ώρα. Το νοιώθουμε ότι δεν πάει άλλο! ΣΥΓΚΛΟΝΙΣΤΙΚΟ ΑΡΘΡΟ!!!


ΓΡΑΦΕΙ ΑΝΤΙΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΟΣ ΤΑΜΟΥΡΙΔΗΣ ΝΙΚΟΛΑΟΣ.
ΕΠΙΤΙΜΟΣ Α΄ ΥΠΑΡΧΗΓΟΣ Γ.Ε.Σ.

ΓΚΡΕΜΙΣΤΕ ΤΑ ΟΛΑ!

''Έστ' αν ήλιος την αυτήν οδόν ίη, τήπερ και νυν έρχεται, μήκοτε ομολογήσειν ημέας Ξέρξη. Αλλά θεοίσι τε και ήρωσι επέξιμεν αμυνόμενοι... Συ τε του λοιπού μη επιφαίνεο!'', ήταν η περήφανη

ΠΟΥΤΙΝ: Η ΔΥΣΗ ΚΛΕΙΝΕΙ ΤΑ ΜΑΤΙΑ!! ΑΝ ΗΘΕΛΑ ΣΕ ΔΥΟ ΕΒΔΟΜΑΔΕΣ ΘΑ ΕΜΠΑΙΝΑ ΣΤΟ ΚΙΕΒΟ!!


Ο Πούτιν δείχνει ποιος είναι το αφεντικό. Σύμφωνα με την ιταλική La Reppublica ο Ρώσος πρόεδρος ανέφερε στον απερχόμενο πρόεδρο της Κομισιόν Ζοζέ Μανουέλ Μπαρόζο ότι «αν το θέλω, μπορώ να μπω στο Κίεβο μέσα σε 2 βδομάδες». Φυσικά το μήνυμα προορίζεται προς τους Ευρωπαίους ηγέτες.

Η Τελευταία Παράσταση στο Παρίσι !!!



Η κυβέρνηση των Ολετήρων δεν βάζει «κόκκινες γραμμές» στη διαπραγμάτευση με την Τρόικα, επεσήμανε ο νέος σύνδικος της πτώχευσης, ο φερόμενος και ως Έλληνας υπουργός Οικονομικών, μετά τη σύσκεψη που είχε με τον πρωθυπουργεύοντα σφουγγοκωλάριο στο Μέγαρο Μαξίμου, εν όψει της έναρξης των συνομιλιών με τους εκπροσώπους της συνέλευσης των πιστωτών, στο Παρίσι.

NEA AΠΟ ΟΥΚΡΑΝΙΑ/ΡΩΣΙΑ/ISIS-2/9/2014



ΓΡΑΦΕΙ Ο ΔΡ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΣ.Ε.ΔΡΟΥΓΟΣ

1)ΙΔΙΑΙΤΕΡΑ ΕΝΟΧΛΗΜΕΝΗ Η ΜΟΣΧΑ ΜΕ ΤΙΣ ΕΠΙΚΕΙΜΕΝΕΣ ΑΠΟΦΑΣΕΙΣ ΤΟΥ ΝΑΤΟ ΚΑΙ ΕΙΔΙΚΟΤΕΡΑ ΤΗΝ ΜΟΝΙΜΗ ΠΛΕΟΝ ΠΑΡΟΥΣΙΑ ΣΤΡΑΤΙΩΤΙΚΩΝ ΜΟΝΑΔΩΝ ΑΠΟ ΤΗΝ ΒΑΛΤΙΚΗ ΜΕΧΡΙ ΤΗΝ ΜΑΥΡΗ ΘΑΛΑΣΣΑ ΚΑΘΩΣ ΚΑΙ ΑΠΟ ΤΗΝ ΣΥΣΤΑΣΗ ΔΥΝΑΜΕΩΝ ΤΑΧΕΙΑΣ ΑΝΤΙΔΡΑΣΗΣ ΓΙΑ ΑΜΕΣΕΣ ΕΠΕΜΒΑΣΕΙΣ.

2)Ο ΣΥΜΒΟΥΛΟΣ ΤΟΥ ΠΟΥΤΙΝ ΠΟΠΩΦ ΕΠΕΣΗΜΑΝΕ ΟΤΙ Η ΜΟΣΧΑ ΛΟΓΩ ΤΩΝ ΝΑΤΟΙΚΩΝ ΚΙΝΗΣΕΩΝ ΘΑ ΑΝΑΘΕΩΡΗΣΕΙ ΤΟ ΣΤΡΑΤΙΩΤΙΚΟ ΤΗΣ ΔΟΓΜΑ ΣΕ ΠΟΛΛΑ ΣΗΜΕΙΑ.(ΣΥΜΒΑΤΙΚΑ ΚΑΙ ΠΥΡΗΝΙΚΑ).

ΕΧΟΥΝ ΧΙΟΥΜΟΡ: «Πείτε μας τι εύχεστε να κάνετε πριν πεθάνετε»: Η νέα στρατηγική marketing της Malaysia Airlines!

Και κερδίστε πλούσια δώρα!
«Πείτε μας τι εύχεστε να κάνετε πριν πεθάνετε»: Η νέα στρατηγική marketing της Malaysia Airlines!

Αυτόν τον τρόπο σκέφτηκαν οι υπεύθυνοι στης εταιρίας για να δώσουν ώθηση στις αερογραμμές που πήραν τον κατήφορο μετά τα δύο τραγικά αεροπορικά δυστυχήματα το τελευταίο διάστημα - Εντελώς αποτυχημένη, κρίνουν την καμπάνια οι ειδικοί ανά τον κόσμο

Εμείς θα ικανοποιήσουμε όλες σας τις επιθυμίες, λέει η Malaysia Airlines, προκειμένου να κερδίσει πίσω το κοινό που την εγκατέλειψε μαζικά, μετά τα δύο αεροπορικά δυστυχήματα που κόστισαν τη ζωή σε συνολικά 537 ανθρώπους το τελευταίο εξάμηνο. Μεταξύ άλλων, τάζει στους υποψήφιους επιβάτες δωρεάν εισιτήρια, αλλά και αμέτρητα iPads.

Τι πρέπει να κάνουν οι «τυχεροί»; Να κοινοποιήσουν στην εταιρία, με όποιον τρόπο θέλουν, αυτό που στην Αμερική και σε άλλες δυτικές χώρες είναι γνωστό ως «bucket list». Τι είναι αυτή η «λίστα»; Μα όλα όσα θέλει να κάνει κάποιος στη ζωή του, δηλαδή πριν πεθάνει... Ναι, ο συνειρμός είναι μακάβριος, δεν φταίει η δική σας σκέψη που πήρε... λάθος δρόμο!

Όπως σημειώνει το περιοδικό Time, η καμπάνια των Malaysia Airlines, που δημοσιεύθηκε στην επίσημη ιστοσελίδα με τη μορφή διαγωνισμού, κατέβηκε πάραυτα μετά από λίγες ώρες, ενώ τώρα το λινκ οδηγεί σε «Σελίδα Λάθους», καθώς οι αρμόδιοι συνειδητοποίησαν πως δεν είναι αυτός ο σωστός τρόπος για να επανακτήσουν την εμπιστοσύνη των επιβατών. 

Εκκληση Μπαν Κι Mουν για πολιτική επίλυση της κρίσης στην Ουκρανία!!

Εξέφρασε δυσαρέσκεια για το ότι οι συνομιλίες διήρκεσαν μόλις δύο μέρες
Εκκληση Μπαν Κι Mουν για πολιτική επίλυση της κρίσης στην Ουκρανία

"Χρειαζόμαστε ισχυρή υποστήριξη, συντονισμό και αλληλεγγύη από όλα τα κράτη μέλη των Ηνωμένων Εθνών", σχολίασε ο γγ του ΟΗΕ

Με υπογραφή Πούτιν ξεκίνησε η κατασκευή του αγωγού Power of Siberia που παρέχει ρωσικό φυσικό αέριο στην Κίνα

Στην τελετή εγκαινίων για την έναρξη των εργασιών κατασκευής του νέου αγωγού της Gazprom Power of Siberia (Δύναμη της Σιβηρίας) παρέστη ο ρώσος πρόεδρος Βλαντίμιρ Πούτιν.

U.S.-Saudi Arabia: a challenge on oil and security




In the wake of the recent setbacks of the bilateral relations between Saudi Arabia and the U.S., due to a wide range of issues including Syria, Iran and Egypt, the two actors are called to steadily redefine their equilibrium. As their long-time honeymoon based on the oil-for-security dualism is constantly challenged by external factors threatening to undermine it, will Saudi Arabia still be the pivotal regional ally for Washington?
Although they are not geographically close, Saudi Arabia’s relationship with the United States has for many years represented the cornerstone of its very foreign and security policies. The United States has been a tireless supplier of technology and know-how, as well as an ubiquitous distant neighbor, capable of providing Saudi Arabia the instruments it needed in order to play a major role on the international stage.[i]
The relationship between Saudi Arabia and the U.S can be identified in two parallel roads: oil and security.
Oil
Oil obviously represents one of the essential features that have led to the genesis and intensification of Washington’s strategic interests in the region. The privileged role Saudi Arabia plays in the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) – not to mention the paramount importance the group plays towards Washington’s interests – indicates how crucial it is for the United States to guarantee a stable climate of dialogue and cooperation with its foremost ally in the region. The historical threats that have repeatedly jeopardized their profitable neighborhood, have led the US to realize the impossibility of letting these relations continue outside of a framework of rules and regulations.
In the wake of an optimistic environment for a revival of the commercial links between Saudi Arabia and the United States, subsequent to the events of the 9/11, the two agreed to enter into an agreement concerning the development of trade and investment relations,[ii] through which they underlined their engagement in: 
1.      Expanding trade in goods and services;
2.      Taking measures in order to encourage and facilitate the exchange of goods and services and secure favorable conditions for long-term development and diversification of trade;
3.      Promoting a favorable climate for trade and investments and easing the contacts between their respective private sectors.
Nonetheless it is undeniable that Saudi Arabia has recently engaged a slow, yet gradual, process of emancipation from its exclusive dependence on the US. It recognizes that Washington’s assistance has represented a core element which enabled Riyadh to choose among a wide range of economic possibilities. Until a few years ago, it would have been impossible to envision Saudi Arabia as one of the members of the World Trade Organization, as well as the only Arab state to be included in the G-20. These are clear signs that its economy, which has grown 5.1% throughout 2013[iii], is gradually imposing itself on the worldwide stage as one worthy of looking at.[iv]
One of the most meaningful signals of Riyadh’s gradual emancipation from the US dependence can be identified in its recent “look-east” market strategies: China, South Korea and Japan are just a few of the countries with whom Saudi Arabia has recently signed trade agreements. Starting from 2009, China has gradually replaced Washington as the largest global importer of oil (the U.S. is currently the second commercial partner besides the EU for Saudi Arabia, followed by Japan, South Korea, India and Brazil[v]), and today it represents the first Country that Saudi Arabia looks at for its imports, in front of Germany, Japan, Korea and, ça va sans dire, the United States (5.46%).[vi]
It is ironic to think about how remote today’s blossom of commercial ties between Saudi Arabia and China would have appeared prior to the end of the 80’s. The slow, yet progressive, mechanism of distancing itself from Washington had the consequence of leading some into fearing that, in the forthcoming years, China could play the same role the US used to play in the past, guardian and guarantor of security in the region. This hypothesis, though, appears highly unlikely today: China will realistically merely enjoy its economic benefits in the Arabic Gulf area without exposing itself to the very threats that an excessive involvement in the region brings, and, most importantly, without taking any further risks.[vii]
Security and War on Terror
The second main theme of the relationship between the U.S. and Saudi Arabia walks the path of security, more specifically in terms of regional security, War on Terror and nuclear non-proliferation.[viii] The issue of security has continuously represented one of the main aspects of the cooperation between the two.[ix]
It was at the very end of the Second World War that Washington started to build a necessary reference model for the development, training and arming of the Saudi military forces. The dialogue on security between the two partners has been taking place since 1953 in the framework of United States Military Training Mission in Saudi Arabia (USMTM), signed within the context of the U.S.-Saudi Mutual Defense Assistance Agreement. Through USMTM, the U.S. Department of Defense interfaced with the Saudi Ministry of Defense and Aviation (MoDA) and the Saudi armed forces. The USMTM works under the U.S. Central Command with the aim of “[a]dvising and assisting the Saudi Arabian Armed Forces (SAAF) through Security Assistance efforts in developing, training and sustaining capable deterrent and self-defense forces for the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in order to facilitate regional security”.[x]
Saudi Arabia is also one of the leading importers of U.S defense products.[xi] In the 1950-2006 period, Saudis have received defense products from the United States for over 62 billion dollars, importing more than 19% of the total sold by the United States in the course of their very history.[xii]
Finally, the U.S.’s War on Terror would not have been possible without the support of Saudi Arabia. Despite the allegations of connivance with the 9/11 hijackers and its funding the salafi movement within the Kingdom, which have darkened the climate of cooperation, Saudi Arabia and Washington have soon discovered how to make this synergy bloom again. In the words of President Bush: “The global War on terrorism will be impossible without a partnership to dry up funds for terrorists and to combat Islamic extremism in the [Saudi] kingdom”. [xiii]
Despite the changes in the balance of capabilities of the country, it seems legitimate to say that, in the near future, the U.S. will remain a fundamental partner. Their common past, made of solid relationships based on a equivalence of mutual interests, is likely to maintain the durability of the alliance, despite recent setbacks. The thickening of mutual exchange of goods has nonetheless raised some doubts amongs the Saudis: the United States has clearly played the role of main actor and facilitator in the long path towards the achievement of wealth, as well as of guarantor of security in Saudi Arabia. This long process of importing wealth has been going hand in hand with the dilemmas and pressures that have threatened to overthrow, or at least undermine, the traditional Arab structures of power. [xiv]
The two powers will need, in the time coming, to focus their objectives in the shaping of new converging fields of interest for their interdependence. The recent discovery of abundant domestic resources of shale gas and the low prices of LNG in the U.S. will certainly constitute a threat; the U.S. Energy Information Administration (EIA) [xv] reported that in 2013 the U.S. was the world’s top producer of petroleum and natural gas hydrocarbons, surpassing Russia and Saudi Arabia. This calls for a strong redefinition of the U.S-Saudi equilibrium of power, today highly focused on the energy resources trade; the restructuring of this latter will also have to take into account the role played in this scenario by Eastern Europe, always more resolute to strengthen its ties with Washington, and, in the long run, Asia.
However, as the honeymoon with the Bush administration came to an end, the Saudis are still struggling to find a modus operandi with Barack Obama’s positions over several issues; the royal family of the world’s oil-richest Country has deliberately taken a very critical position towards Washington’s non-intervention in Syria and, on the other side, its more conciliatory approach towards Iran.
Nonetheless, The recent visit president Obama paid to Riyadh seemed to bring a positive impulse to the bilateral relations; “The relationship between Washington and Riyadh has improved since last autumn” [xvi], affirmed Obama with a clear reference to the tactic divergences on how to handle the Syrian conflict. Both countries now seem to be looking in the same direction: that of a welcoming support for a moderate opposition to Assad in order to guide Syria towards a political transition able of putting an end to the Civil War.
Nevertheless, Riyadh’s distrust over U.S. positions towards Teheran and the nuclear talks Washington is taking part into, is likely to constitute a substantial irritant to the relation. The Shiite Iran is Sunni Saudi Arabia’s historical antagonist in the region, and the latter lives in constant fear that Teheran will spread its power in the region. Furthermore, the emphasis on nuclear negotiations is currently on top of Washington’s agenda, making it neglect the priority of resolving the Syrian issue first.
Last but not least, the issue of Egypt and the Muslim Brotherhood factors in the equation as well. While Washington publically condemned the over 500 death sentences issued against members and sympathizers of the Muslim Brotherhood, the Saudis position on this matter is becoming clearer. Saudi Arabia and the Muslim Brotherhood strengthened their ties in the late 50’s, when they shared the concern over Nasser’s Arab laic nationalism; these ties were used by the Saudis to consolidate and legitimize their presence in the Peninsula and the Gulf Region. However, the victory of the Brotherhood in 2012 and their attempt to put together Islamic people and law in an ideal republic – in deep contrast with the Sunni traditional and puritan interpretation of Islam – gave urgency to the revision of Saudi positions and the shaping of a brand new alliance with the Egyptian Army.
Despite its strong relationship with the US, which has increasingly been challenged in the past years Saudi Arabia is without the shadow of a doubt one of the most controversial partners for Washington. As more international attention focuses on the Arabic Peninsula, its weaknesses and controversies, as well as its strengths, have become well-known features. Despite this, the country is still rather unknown to many Americans, who generally maintain the classic stereotype made of oil, terrorism and authoritarianism.

[i] Thomas W. Lippman, Inside the Mirage: America’s Fragile Partnership with Saudi Arabia (New York: Basic Books, 2009).
[ii]Agreement between the Government of the United States of America and the Government of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia concerning the development of trade and investment relations”, www.ustr.gov/sites/default/files/uploads/agreements/tifa/asset_upload_file304_7740.pdf
[iii]Saudi Q3 economic growth picks up as oil output rebounds”,  http://www.reuters.com/article/2013/12/04/saudi-gdp-idUSL5N0JJ2BN20131204
[v]  The Observatory of Economic Complexity,  atlas.media.mit.edu/country/sau.
[vi] Ibid.
[vii] Thomas W. Lippman, Saudi Arabia on the Edge: the Uncertain Future of an American Ally (Lincoln, Potomac Books, 2012).
[viii] Gregory F. Gause III, Saudi Arabia in the New Middle East (New York and Washington D.C., Council on Foreign Relations, 2011).
[ix]  Anthony H. Cordesman, Saudi Arabia: National Security in a Troubled Region (Santa Barbara, ABC-CLIO, 2009).
[x]  “USMTM Mission Statement”, usmtm.org/docs/USMTM_Welcome_Packet.pdf
[xi] The Proposed U.S. Defense sales to Saudi Arabia for years 2010-2013, worth $86.605, included: Weaponry, Helicopters, Light Armored Vehicles, Radars, Ammunitions, Boats, Missiles and Military Training.
[xii] A. H. Cordesman, National Security. In the same framework, it is worth to remember the episode of the sale of the Boeing E-3 Sentry (also known as AWACS-Airborne Warning and Control System) on behalf of the Reagan administration, which in 1981 signed with Riyadh an agreement to finalize the biggest weapons sale ever happened in history.
[xiii] Ivi, 4-5.
[xiv] W. B. Quandt, Saudi Arabia in the 80’s: Foreign Policy, Security, and Oil (Washington D.C., Brookings Institution Press, 1981).
[xvi] William Maclean and Angus Macdowall, “Obama-Saudi king talks may ease friction but no breakthrough seen”, Reuters, Mar 30, 2014.

Ο άντρας που γεννήθηκε με το κεφάλι ανάποδα


ΒΙΝΤΕΟ-Ο άντρας που γεννήθηκε με το κεφάλι ανάποδα

Ο Claudio Vieira de Oliveira γεννήθηκε με το κεφάλι ανάποδα και με παραμορφωμένα άκρα εξαιτίας μια σπάνιας πάθησης. Κατάφερε ωστόσο να γίνει πηγή έμπνευσης για εκατοντάδες ανθρώπους που αντιμετωπίζουν σοβαρά προβλήματα υγείας.

Nato to create high-readiness force to counter Russian threat

Spearhead force will be made up of around 4,000 troops with capacity to 'travel light but strike hard', according to Nato
Anders Fogh Rasmussen
Anders Fogh Rasmussen said the plan was for 'a very high-readiness force able to deploy at very short notice'. Photograph: Olivier Hoslet/EPA
Nato is to create a 4,000-strong "spearhead" high-readiness force that can be deployed rapidly in eastern Europe and the Baltic states to help protect member nations against potential Russian aggression, according to Nato officials.
Leaders from the 28 Nato countries are expected to approve the plan at the alliance's summit in Wales when the Ukraine crisis tops the agenda on Friday.

AYTOI EINAI OI XAΡΤΕΣ ΤΗΣ ΚΑΤΑΣΤΑΣΗΣ ΠΟΥ ΕΠΙΚΡΑΤΕΙ ΣΤΟ ΝΤΟΝΜΠΑΣ

 ΓΡΑΦΕΙ Ο ΔΡ ΑΘΑΝΑΣΙΟΣ.Ε.ΔΡΟΥΓΟΣ



ΑΥΤΟΙ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΟΙ ΧΑΡΤΕΣ/ΚΑΙ ΣΗΜΕΡΙΝΟΣ ΤΗΣ ΚΑΤΑΣΤΑΣΗΣ ΠΟΥ ΕΠΙΚΡΑΤΕΙ ΣΕ ΝΤΟΝΜΠΑΣ/(ΛΟΥΓΧΑΝΣΚ-ΝΤΟΝΕΤΣΚ)

ΤΑ ΔΥΟ ΜΕΓΑΛΑ ΜΠΛΕ ΒΕΛΗ ΕΙΝΑΙ ΤΑ ΜΕΤΩΠΑ ΠΟΥ ΑΝΟΙΞΑΝ ΟΙ ΡΩΣΟΙ ΜΕ ΤΗΝ ΕΙΣΒΟΛΗ ΤΟΥΣ ΣΕ ΝΟΤΙΑ ΠΕΡΙΟΧΗ ΤΟΥ ΝΤΟΝΕΤΣΚ ΚΑΘΩΣ ΚΑΙ ΣΤΟ ΛΟΥΓΧΑΝΣΚ.

ΑΠΟΤΕΛΕΣΜΑ ΗΤΑΝ ΝΑ ΥΠΟΧΩΡΗΣΟΥΝ ΚΑΙ ΣΤΑ ΔΥΟ ΜΕΤΩΠΑ ΟΙ ΟΥΚΡΑΝΙΚΕΣ ΔΥΝΑΜΕΙΣ.

ΕΙΔΙΚΟΤΕΡΑ ΧΘΕΣ ΑΠΟΣΥΡΘΗΚΑΝ ΑΠΟ ΤΟ ΑΕΡΟΔΡΟΜΙΟ ΤΟΥ ΛΟΥΓΧΑΝΣΚ ΚΑΙ ΤΑ ΝΑ ΤΗΣ ΠΟΛΗΣ ΠΟΥ ΕΙΧΑΝ ΚΑΤΑΛΑΒΕΙ ΠΡΟ ΗΜΕΡΩΝ.

ΑΠΟ ΤΙΣ ΣΗΜΑΙΕΣ ΚΑΤΑΛΑΒΑΙΝΕΙ ΚΑΠΟΙΟΣ ΠΟΥ ΒΡΙΣΚΟΝΤΑΙ ΟΙ ΟΥΚΡΑΝΟΙ ΚΑΘΩΣ ΚΑΙ ΤΗΝ ΕΠΙΜΑΧΗ ΠΕΡΙΟΧΗ ΠΟΥ ΔΙΕΞΑΓΟΝΤΑΙ ΣΚΛΗΡΕΣ ΜΑΧΕΣ ΜΕΤΑΞΥ ΤΟΥ ΟΥΚΡΑΝΙΚΟΥ ΣΤΡΑΤΟΥ ΚΑΙ ΤΗΣ ΕΘΝΟΦΡΟΥΡΑΣ ΜΕ ΤΙΣ ΡΩΣΙΚΕΣ ΔΥΝΑΜΕΙΣ ΠΟΥ ΕΧΟΥΝΕ ΕΙΣΒΑΛΕΙ ΣΕ ΟΥΚΡΑΝΙΚΟ ΕΔΑΦΟΣ ΚΑΙ ΤΟΥΣ ΡΩΣΟΥΣ ΑΠΟΣΧΙΣΤΕΣ.

Ανακαλύφθηκε το αεικίνητο! Ανάπτυξη χωρίς επενδύσεις



Του Θόδωρου Σκυλακάκη
Για εκατοντάδες χρόνια ο άνθρωπος αναζητούσε το μηχάνημα του αεικίνητου (Perpetuum mobile). Δυστυχώς η επιστήμη κατέληξε στη δική μας εποχή ότι το μηχάνημα αυτό δεν είναι εφικτό. Αυτό δεν εμποδίζει βέβαια τους απανταχού «εφευρέτες» να καταθέτουν

Senator Menendez on CNN's State of the Union: Russia in Ukraine "is clearly an invasion"

CNN/ΤΙ ΕΙΠΕ Ο ΓΕΡΟΥΣΙΑΣΤΗΣ ΜΕΝΕΝΤΕΖ, ΠΡΟΕΔΡΟΣ ΤΗΣ ΕΠΙΤΡΟΠΗΣ ΕΞΩΤΕΡΙΚΩΝ ΥΠΟΘΕΣΕΩΝ ΤΗΣ ΑΜΕΡΙΚΑΝΙΚΗΣ ΓΕΡΟΥΣΙΑΣ.

 


Today on CNN’s State of the Union with Candy Crowley, Senator Robert Menendez spoke to Candy about Russia’s presence in the Ukraine and the proper response to President Putin. Text highlights and a transcript of the discussion are below.
TEXT HIGHLIGHTS
Senator Menendez on Russia’s presence in the Ukraine: “Thousands of Russian troops are here with tanks, missiles, heavy artillery, and are directly engaged in what is clearly an invasion.”
Senator Menendez on aiding the Ukrainians: “We should be providing the Ukrainians with the type of defensive weapons that will impose a cost upon Putin for further aggression.”
A full transcript is available after the jump.

Russia 'to alter military strategy towards Nato'

BBC NEWS.

Η ΡΩΣΙΑ ΘΑ ΑΛΛΑΞΕΙ ΤΗΝ ΣΤΡΑΤΗΓΙΚΗ ΤΗΣ ΑΠΕΝΑΝΤΙ ΣΤΟ ΝΑΤΟ


File photo: Armed Russian soldier stands near Russian army vehicles outside a Ukrainian border guard post in the Crimean town of Balaclava, 1 March 2014 Tensions between Russia and Nato countries are high over the ongoing conflict in Ukraine

Russia is to alter its military strategy as a result of the Ukraine crisis and Nato's presence in eastern Europe, a top Russian official says.
Mikhail Popov, a Kremlin adviser, said that deteriorating relations with the US and Nato would be reflected in the updated strategy.
Nato said on Monday it would boost its presence in eastern Europe to protect its members.
Ukrainian troops are battling pro-Russian rebels in east Ukraine.

Ανεκδοτακι… “Σκίζω το μνημονιο”.

TO MNHMONIO EINAI EΥΛΟΓΙΑ

Μια μέρα, ο Θεός καλεί τον Πούτιν, τη Μέρκελ και τον Σαμαρά για ακρόαση.Πρώτος στην μεγάλη αίθουσα μπαίνει ο Πούτιν, υποκλίνεται στον Θεό και τον ρωτάει:
- Θεέ μου σε πόσα χρόνια η Ρωσία θα είναι η δυνατότερη χώρα στον κόσμο;

NATO: Suddenly Relevant, Deeply Divided

NATO: Suddenly Relevant, Deeply Divided

TO NATO . ΞΑΦΝΙΚΑ ΕΠΙΚΑΙΡΟ. ΒΑΘΙΑ ΔΙΑΙΡΕΜΕΝΟ.

NATO secretary-general Anders Fogh Rasmussen speaks during an interview at the alliance's headquarters in Brussels on August 11, 2014. NATO secretary-general Anders Fogh Rasmussen speaks during an interview at the alliance's headquarters in Brussels on August 11, 2014 (Yves Herman/Courtesy Reuters).
THE INTERNATIONALIST
Coauthored with Daniel Chardell, research associate in the International Institutions and Global Governance program.
When Western leaders gather for the NATO summit in Wales next week, they will be expected to answer calls to revive the old alliance in order to confront Russia’s gradual invasion of Ukraine. Despite this new clarity of purpose, however, the alliance remains profoundly divided.
When NATO was founded in 1949, the alliance’s mission was obvious. In the words of its first secretary-general, Lord Ismay, NATO was designed “to keep the Russians out, the Americans in, and the Germans down.”
From the moment the Berlin Wall fell in 1989, skeptics began predicting that NATO would disappear. Of course, the alliance didn’t disappear—it adapted. It (controversially) took on a dozen former Warsaw Pact countries as new members, growing to twenty-eight countries. It absorbed unprecedented missions in far-flung places from Kosovo to the Gulf of Aden, Afghanistan, and Estonia—including humanitarian intervention, nation-building, counterterrorism, counterinsurgency, counter-piracy, and cyber defense. Rather than going out of business, Ivo Daalder and James Goldgeier noted, NATO went global.
And yet, the alliance has never effectively resolved deeper debates about its strategic rationale in the twenty-first century. The governments and electorates of NATO members often hold dramatically different opinions about the importance of threats, from terrorism to cyberwar. Similarly, they are not equally willing to risk military or civilian casualties, nor do they agree about whether they should shoulder risk to protect increasingly distant allies. And finally, there is extreme variation among NATO members’ willingness to invest in national defense, including expeditionary capabilities.
In principle, Russian aggression in Ukraine should reinvigorate NATO, providing a renewed sense of purpose. For the first time in a quarter century, NATO members—notably the Baltic States—have legitimate cause to fear for their security.
But in fact, the ongoing Ukraine crisis has highlighted NATO’s fissures. Rather than rejuvenating the transatlantic alliance, Russia’s aggression threatens to underscore NATO’s divisions and vulnerabilities.
  • Disparate threat perceptions: All NATO members oppose Russia’s destabilizing role in Ukraine. But they don’t place the same priority on stopping it, nor have they agreed on a strategy to address it. The annexation of Crimea has sent tremors through the Baltics, and rightly so: Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania are all home to sizable ethnic Russian minorities. Eastern European leaders have called on NATO for assistance, but the allied response has been mixed. Before arriving in Wales, President Obama will visit Estonia to “reassure allies in Central and Eastern Europe” and “reaffirm our ironclad commitment to [Article 5] as the foundation of NATO.” Meanwhile, Secretary-General Anders Fogh Rasmussen announced that NATO would begin building up its military presence along its eastern borders. But Germany, Italy, Spain, and France—far less vulnerable than the Baltics—are reluctant to further antagonize Moscow.
  • The burden-sharing debate continues: Debates over burden-sharing have been a fixture of transatlantic relations since the Treaty of Washington was signed. In the past two decades, most NATO members have decreased defense spending to historic lows, leaving the United States to foot the bill while alternately cajoling, browbeating, and shaming free-riders—with limited results. In 2013, the U.S. share of NATO defense spending was 70 percent, and only four NATO allies—the United States, the United Kingdom, Greece, and Estonia—hit the agreed defense spending target of at least 2 percent of GDP. Some argue that the Ukraine crisis should spur Europeans to boost their defense spending. While this may be true for NATO’s Eastern European members, a number of Western European countries—still reeling from the financial crisis, squeezed by tight budgets, and plagued by slow growth and high unemployment—may be unlikely to want to spend additional funds, particularly if they are reluctant to alienate Russia.
  • The changing nature of warfare complicates NATO’s mission: NATO was designed to deter Soviet aggression by providing a collective defense guarantee to all its members. This principle is enshrined in Article 5 of the North Atlantic Treaty, which decrees that an attack on one NATO member shall be considered an attack on all. This provision is often credited with maintaining relative peace on the European continent throughout the Cold War. In the twenty-first century, however, Article 5 has its limits. The treaty is predicated on the Cold War-era assumption that war takes place between nation-states—and that aggression will be unambiguous, in the form of rumbling tanks or bombs dropping from airplanes. But the war brewing in eastern Ukraine is unconventional, like many present-day conflicts. Russian special forces, devoid of military insignia, are masquerading as local pro-Russian separatists, helping rebels occupy government buildings, seize strategic assets, and intimidate local populations. Western powers accused Russia of backing these so-called “little green men,” a fact Putin himself would later admit. Because the rebels are not formally under Moscow’s command, however, Putin has evaded responsibility for their actions. In Wales, leaders need to decide whether they would invoke Article 5 if little green men were to sprout up in the Baltics. And if so, against whom would they retaliate?
  • NATO’s expeditionary future is unclear: At the Wales summit, NATO originally planned to focus on determining NATO’s future engagement in Afghanistan (and presumably assess the alliance’s operations there), as the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) mission prepares to withdraw from the country by the end of 2014. Then, Russia annexed and proceeded to invade eastern Ukraine. Concerns about Afghanistan were quickly sidelined. An op-ed that Rasmussen coauthored with General Philip M. Breedlove, NATO’s top military commander, fails to mention Afghanistan even once. It is unclear if the ISAF mission, which was NATO’s longest and largest operation ever, will even be discussed in Wales—or if the alliance simply wash its hands of that country. Nor is there any indication that the assembled leaders will discuss broader questions, such as when Article 5 should be invoked against threats from transnational terrorist groups or whether the Libya mission offers lessons for future NATO operations.
Rasmussen has already announced that NATO will strengthen its presence in Eastern Europe, provide technical and financial assistance to Ukrainian forces, and adopt a robust “readiness action plan,” which will enable allied forces to react more rapidly. In Wales, leaders will invariably condemn Putin’s incursions in Ukraine, reaffirm the indivisibility of the transatlantic alliance, and voice their commitment to the security of their Eastern European allies. These are all encouraging signs.
But shoring up the alliance will require more than projecting force and more than tough rhetoric. NATO faces challenges that are greater than Russia, urgent though it may be. Fortuitously, the Wales summit offers a timely opportunity for Western leaders to tackle these difficult questions and, if necessary, begin reevaluating the future of the alliance itself. They should not let this opportunity go to waste.

NATO Leaders to Discuss High Readiness Task Force


Sep. 1, 2014 -
By JULIAN HALE   
DEFENSE NEWS 
BRUSSELS – NATO leaders meeting at the NATO summit in Wales on September 4 and 5 will be discussing the option of adding a “high readiness joint task force” or “spearhead force” to the existing NATO Response Force (NRF) capable of reacting to threats to NATO territory within two days, said a senior NATO official here Sept. 1.

ΜΗΠΩΣ Ο ΠΟΥΤΙΝ ΑΚΟΛΟΥΘΕΙ ΤΙΣ ΙΔΕΕΣ ΚΑΙ ΣΧΕΔΙΑ ΤΟΥ AΛΕΞΑΝΤΕΡ ΣΟΛΤΖΕΝΙΤΣΙΝ;

Is Putin 'Rebuilding Russia' According To Solzhenitsyn's Design?

Russian President Vladimir Putin (right) gave  Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn a state award in 2007 for his humanitarian work.
Russian President Vladimir Putin (right) gave Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn a state award in 2007 for his humanitarian work.
By Robert Coalson/RFERL
During an informal question-and-answer session at the pro-Kremlin Seliger youth camp on August 29, a young woman expressed concern about the "growth of nationalism" in Kazakhstan.

ΜΙΑ ΦΙΛΑΝΔΙΚΗ ΑΠΟΨΗ ΓΙΑ ΤΟ ΣΗΜΕΡΙΝΟ ΝΑΤΟ/Will NATO Protect All Members Equally?

Will NATO Protect All Members Equally?

on September 02, 2014 
Defense officials listen to North Atlant
“One for all, all for one”: That’s a central principle of the NATO alliance — but in recent months, multiple members have wondered whether it truly applies to them. With Russia escalating the Ukrainian conflict every day and the alliance’s annual summit starting Thursday, the question of equality among the 28 member states is painfully timely.

NATO To Create 'Spearhead' Rapid Reaction Force In Response To Ukraine Crisis

THE HUFFINGTON POST

Posted:
UKRAINE
By Adrian Croft
BRUSSELS, Sept 1 (Reuters) - NATO leaders will respond to the Ukraine crisis by agreeing this week to create a "spearhead" rapid reaction force, potentially including several thousand troops, that could be sent to a hotspot in as little as two days, officials said on Monday.
The 28-nation alliance already has a rapid reaction force but U.S. President Barack Obama and other leaders meeting for a NATO summit in Wales on Thursday and Friday are expected to create a new force that would be able to respond more quickly to a crisis.

Οι Aμερικανικές ειδικές δυνάμεις διεξήγαγαν αιφνιδιαστικά στρατιωτική επιχείρηση στη Σομαλία




Μετάφραση – Απόδοση Γ. Μοτσάκος
Ειδικός σε Θέματα Άμυνας και Ασφάλειας Πληροφοριών


Οι αμερικανικές ειδικές δυνάμεις  πραγματοποίησαν αιφνιδιαστικά,  στρατιωτική επιχείρηση στη Σομαλία εναντίον μαχητών που συνδέονται με την Αλ Κάιντα κα την ομάδα Al-Shabab, δήλωσε ο εκπρόσωπος του Πενταγώνου John Kirby.

Η Τουρκία « κατηγορεί» τις ΗΠΑ και την Βρετανία για κατασκοπεία



Μετάφραση – Απόδοση Γ. Μοτσάκος
Ειδικός σε Θέματα Άμυνας και Ασφάλειας Πληροφοριών

Σύμφωνα με τον ρωσικό τύπο, οι σχέσεις της Τουρκίας με τις ΗΠΑ και την Βρετανία δοκιμάζονται για ακόμα  μία φορά. Συγκεκριμένα κλήθηκε εσπευσμένα  να παρουσιασθεί στο τουρκικό Υπουργείο Εξωτερικών,ο  αμερικανός επιτετραμμένος, με την «κατηγορία της κατασκοπείας», σύμφωνα με το πρακτορείο Reuters.

Vladimir Putin, BRICS Bank and Eclipse of South American Idealism


 
If recent developments are any indication, South American political elites seem to have jettisoned much of the high minded left idealism of past years in favor of crass economic interests. In a somewhat outlandish turn of events, Brazil has embraced Vladimir Putin, a figure who has desperately sought to end his country's political and diplomatic isolation. Since Russia came to the aid of Ukraine's rebels, the west has imposed stiff sanctions on the Kremlin, and Putin seems keen on consolidating the inchoate BRICS group (which counts Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa as members) as a means of counteracting such pressure.

Alpha Unit Beslan Veteran: ‘We Shielded Hostages With Our Bodies’


01/09/2014
Many schools celebrate September 1 as the Day of Knowledge, children hurry back to their classes after a long summer, girls are wearing big white bows and boys are carrying flowers. There’s a joyful atmosphere of anticipation in the air. It’s a happy time of reunion with friends and teachers.

Αμφίπολη: Ποια στοιχεία δείχνουν ότι ο τάφος είναι σφραγισμένος!!!

Δείτε νέες εντυπωσιακές φωτογραφίες
Αμφίπολη: Ποια στοιχεία δείχνουν ότι ο τάφος είναι σφραγισμένος


Οι εργασίες αποκάλυψαν μαρμαροθετημένο δάπεδο σε κόκκινο φόντο και σε εξαιρετική κατάσταση - Τρεις θάλαμοι έχουν βρεθεί κατά τις ανασκαφές - Και στους τρεις χώρους, μετά τον τοίχο σφράγισης, υπάρχει χαλαρή αμμώδης επίχωση, ως το μέγιστο ύψος της θόλου 

"Πείτε μας γιατί δεν συμμορφώνεστε κύριε υπουργέ" - Τι λέει η κλήση ΣτΕ στον Χαρδούβελη!!

Image
Η κυβέρνηση δείχνει να έχει υποτιμήσει την σημασία της απόφασης του Συμβουλίου της Επικρατείας.Αλλά οι δικαστές δεν δείχνουν να την έχουν υποτιμήσει. Αντιθέτως όπως λένε οι πληροφορίες ειδικά ο πρόεδρος του ΣτΕ είναι έντονα ενοχλημένος από τον τρόπο με τον οποίο η κυβέρνηση αγνοεί τις απόφασεις.